Letters to Stabroek News 6/10/03

 

Will there be an inquest?
Dear Editor,
Those of us who condemned the fatal and abusive attacks by the gunmen should now have the freedom to comment on the quality of law enforcement.
In an early joint letter, Andaiye, Dr. David Hinds and I called a spade a spade. We also called on the government to take measures within the law to give law enforcers power to deal with lawlessness. We were not thinking of a State of Emergency, but of a Proclamation under Chapter 8:01, which gives important powers of restraint to the police to deal with persons moving with dangerous weapons, and localised disorder.
My own earlier and later recommendations to address the deceived lawbreakers seemed to amuse or anger sections of the people.


The government has claimed, however, that there is no crisis. Next, the security forces have been seen as neutral in the face of offences. That state of mind left them without the zeal to restrain a movement which they knew to be political. The government was in a state of vanity and the forces in a state of neutrality.
The present incidents of crime are of an altered pattern and show at present no sign of the political association. The weapons are the same but the aims are different. The drug lords have been exploiting a disorder they did not create. It could only have been created through a political force. I sincerely hope that the force I suspect was not an instrument of drug lords.

It should be realised that alert intelligence units know a lot about government and opposition, their linkages and their routines, even their social lives. Let no one be in doubt about this. Recent information received suggests that the anti -Black Clothes movement had wide support among the regular forces. Whenever it was organised, it would seem that the Phantom Unit(s) first engaged in activity at the time last year of a previous high profile kidnapping, if not also earlier at the time of Douglas’s killing. The formation and composition of the Phantom squad confirmed the essential failure of the present political system. To keep this letter brief, I am leaving out some things which I am dealing with in a small book.
Many in the forces must have argued that if a pro- government activist could get away with SLRs in his home, after the 1997 elections, they should turn a blind eye to weapons headed for the East Coast Village for the use of pro-opposition activists after the 2001 elections. That is how Guyanese society has been working.

The statements and acts of conscience, the vigils of GIHA, of the women in WAVE and Red Thread, supported by men, GHRA’s even handed advice, the massive witness of the churches, the voices from within their own camps, the strong witness of the Churches led by the Pentecostals in Buxton-Annandale, since June 2001, altered leaders’ words, but not their postures or their actions.

It took an international incident to cause the government and the main opposition to reach agreements, which they had found impossible to reach since August, 2000, and in some cases since 1998. And because the agreement was a reaction to the brazen kidnapping of a US Security Officer, the police became a focus of concern. It seems that our authorities considered that a demonstration operation was necessary to send the right message and to show that things were changing. It was duly staged, based on a “tip-off” which took the forces to old, familiar places. All who give lip service to human rights, sign covenants and treaties, must ask as in the case of the Enmore martyrs (1948) whether firing was necessary, and if it was, must ask “did some of the firing go beyond the requirements of the situation?”

Will there be an inquest? There was a good chance, with the dead ‘lying’ there posing for the camera, for a medical officer to see them as they lay, as the law advises.
Was a medical officer taken to observe the bodies before they were removed? What is the victim’s specific guilt? What was the course of the engagement resulting in the total death, not one being left to assist the police? Will the officer in charge get permission to leave the country, like Mr. Merai?


The administration wishes the public to assume that the Army and the Police acted lawfully. By some means, the administration must allow the police and the army to describe the two incidents in detail. So here we have an administration and security forces moving from suspicion of malicious neglect of responsibility and duty to suspicion of massacre. It is hard to please anyone in a country in which neither unofficial nor official gunmen respect the right to life.


The active gunmen, coming from among the poor, had no sympathy for other poor people. I hope there can be an end to the bloodshed as soon as possible. There has been rightly a lot of interest in the racial statistics of the deaths. The class composition will tell another story and give a needed warning. But we cannot miss the fact that apart from one high profiled man charged with treason, and the business people who have been killed and hurt, the victims of both police and freedom fighters alike have been the wretched of the earth.. This includes the unknown UG student and the ten year old unknown child; not unidentified, but unknown.
I argue the arms build up, the use of arms and the abuse of a village were not by chance. If I am right, there are Masterminds behind it. Their names have been protected. Their reputations have not been questioned.
Yours faithfully,
Eusi Kwayana